July 26

Who was the subject of an advertisement in a revolutionary American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Virginia Gazette [Purdie] (July 26, 1776).
“I HAVE in possession two negroes, NED, and JACOB.”

On July 26, 1776, Alexander Purdie’s Virginia Gazette became one of the last American newspapers to print the Declaration of Independence in its entirety.  That issue and the supplement that accompanied it also carried several advertisements about enslaved people, yet it was not the only American newspaper that simultaneously disseminated the Declaration of Independence and published advertisements that contributed to the perpetuation of slavery in the new nation.  Advertisements presenting enslaved people for sale, seeking to purchase enslaved people, offering rewards for the capture and return of enslaved people who liberated themselves by running away, and describing Black people imprisoned as suspected fugitives seeking freedom ran alongside the Declaration of Independence in newspapers from New Hampshire to Virginia.  (All the newspapers in Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina had been suspended or ceased publication by July 1776.  The South-Carolina and American General Gazette printed the Declaration of Independence when it resumed publication on August 2, 1776, but no copies of that exceptionally rare issue have been digitized for greater access.  Given the content that usually appeared in that newspapers and others printed in Charleston, the August 2 edition almost certainly included advertisements about enslaved people.)

This timeline provides a census of advertisements about enslaved people that appeared in the same issues of American newspapers that printed the Declaration of Independence.

July 9, 1776

Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette; Or, the Baltimore General Advertiser printed the Declaration of Independence on the second page.  On the first page, Thomas Nicholls described “Dickison, otherwise Joe,” an enslaved man “frequently used to both names” who liberated himself by running away.  Nicholls offered “TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD” for the capture and return of Dickison.

July 10, 1776

The Constitutional Gazette, published in New York, printed the Declaration of Independence on the first and second pages.  A reader wrote, “A Good thing” in the margin above the masthead on the first page of the copy digitized for America’s Historical Newspapers.  On the fourth page, Goodheart Siegler advertised “a negro boy named PRINCE” who may have “entered into the Continental Army.”  Siegler offered “FORTY SHILLING REWARD” to whoever “will bring [Prince] to his master.”

The Maryland Journal and the Baltimore Advertiser printed the Declaration of Independence on the first and second pages.  It was one of the few newspapers to devise a separate headline: “THE THIRTEEN United STATES OF AMERICA, Have declared INDEPENDENCY.”  Clement Brooke advertised “a negro man named GEORGE” on the fourth page.  Brooke suspected that George might be “harboured by some person in the neighbourhood.”

The Pennsylvania Gazette, published in Philadelphia, printed the Declaration of Independence in the first two columns on the first page.  Alexander McCallum’s advertisement describing “a dark Mulattoe Slave, named HARRY” and offering “TEN DOLLARS Reward” appeared in the third column on the same page as the Declaration of Independence.  Another advertisement about an enslaved man who liberated himself by running away ran on the fourth page.  In it, Charles Heath described Ben and offered “EIGHT DOLLARS Reward.”  The advertisement immediately above it offered a “strong healthy NEGROE Man” for sale with instructions to “Enquire of the PRINTERS” for more information.

The Pennsylvania Journal, published in Philadelphia, printed the Declaration of Independence on the first and second pages.  On the third page, Thomas Wild, the jailer in Dover, Delaware, described a Black man “who calls himself SAMBO” who had been captured and imprisoned as a suspected fugitive seeking freedom.  Wild called on Sambo’s enslaver to claim him immediately “or else he will be sold out for his prison charges.”  On the fourth page, George Slacom, Sr., advertised “THREE country born NEGRO MEN, all brothers,” who liberated themselves.  He offered rewards for Tom, Jim, and Phill.

July 11, 1776

The Maryland Gazette, published in Baltimore, printed the Declaration of Independence on the third page.  Three advertisements about enslaved men appeared on the fourth page.  James Smith described “a negro man called PHIL” and offered a reward for his capture and return.  Similarly, Alexander Ogg sought to enslave a “negro fellow named WILL” who had liberated himself by running away.  Hugh Hopewell, the sheriff of St. Mary’s County, advertised that he held “Negro Adam,” who says he belongs to Levin Woolford,” in his custody.

John Holt printed the Declaration of Independence as a broadside within his newspaper, the New-York Journal, devoting the entire third page to it.  Three advertisements offering rewards for enslaved men who liberated themselves by running away from their enslavers appeared on the fourth page.  Those advertisements appeared on the same sheet of page, but on opposite sides.  Jacob Wilkins described “a negro man named JACK,” William Conary, Jr., described “a negro man, named PRINCE,” and Benjamin Pitney described “a negro man named SAMSON.”  They offered rewards varying from one dollar to ten dollars.

The New York Packet printed the Declaration of Independence on the second page.  John Taylor described “a Negro Man, named BEN,” who liberated himself from his enslaver in New Germantown, New Jersey, in an advertisement on the fourth page.  Taylor described the clothes Ben wore when he made his escape and the clothes that he took with him to aid readers in recognizing the fugitive for freedom if he changed his apparel or attempted to sell any of the items.

July 12, 1776

The Connecticut Gazette, published in New London, printed the Declaration of Independence in the second and third columns on the second page.  The third column concluded with an advertisement in which Joseph Farnham, Jr., described “a negro man servant named JACK” who liberated himself by running away.  Farnham warned that “all masters of vessels and others are hereby cautioned not to carry off nor conceal said negro.”  That issue consisted of two pages rather than the usual four pages.  The printer found room for both the Declaration of Independence and an advertisement placed for the purpose of re-enslaving Jack.

July 15, 1776

The New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury printed the Declaration of Independence on the first page.  Three advertisements about enslaved people ran on the second page.  Henry Wyckhoff described “two Negro Men.”  Nathaniel and Jacob were brothers who worked together to liberate themselves from Wyckhoff, Nathaniel’s enslaver, and Jeromus Remsen, Jacob’s enslaver.  Goodheart Siegler placed the same advertisement offering a reward for the capture and return of Prince that previously appeared in the Constitutional Gazette.  An anonymous advertiser “WANTED, AN handsome well made Mulatto Waiting-Man, who can be recommended for his Honesty and Sobriety.”  Anyone willing to sell such a slave was instructed to “Enquire of the Printer.”

Solomon Southwick, the printer of the Newport Mercury, announced the sale of a broadside edition of the Declaration of Independence in an advertisement near the bottom of the second column on the third page.  He also noted that he would print the founding document in the newspaper within a week.  The anonymous advertiser who placed the notice that started the next column sought to purchase an enslaved boy: “WANTED a likely, sprightly NEGRO BOY, about ten or twelve years old: – Inquire of the printer.”

The Norwich Packet; and the Connecticut, Massachusetts, New-Hampshire and Rhode Island Weekly Advertiser printed the Declaration of Independence on the second page.  On the third page, facing the Declaration of Independence, Joshua Chappell offered a reward for the capture and return of “a Negro MAN Servant, named FORTEN.”  He cautioned that “All Persons are forbid harbouring said Negro.”

July 16, 1776

The American Gazette, published in Salem, Massachusetts, printed the Declaration of Independence on the first and fourth pages.  A woodcut depicting an enslaved person on the run adorned Benjamin Raymond’s advertisement about “a Negro Man named CAESAR” on the third page.  Raymond offered “TWO DOLLARS Reward” for the capture and return of Caesar.  In another advertisement on the third page, John White, Jr., announced that he “HAS a Negro Woman to part with” and instructed that “Any Person inclining to have her, may treat with him at his House in Salem.”

July 18, 1776

The Continental Journal, published in Boston, printed the Declaration of Independence on the first page.  Three advertisements about enslaved people appeared on the fourth page.  One offered “A Negro Woman” for sale, using the printer as an intermediary and broker in the transaction.  The enslaved woman “understands Housework, common Cooking,” and other domestic tasks.  Andrew Mitchel offered “EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD” for the capture and return of “a Negro Man named CATO.”  He even designated local agents in Albany, Boston, and Pittsfield who would confine Cato if delivered to any of them.  Another advertisement concerned plans to sell a brigantine “retaken” from the British and now at Portsmouth, New Hampshire.  “There were four Negroes taken with said Brigantine,” a nota benebegan.  It then listed two men, Adam and Scip, and two women, Bilinder and Brada, and identified the enslavers who could claim them.

In an extraordinary issue of the Newport Mercury, Solomon Southwick printed the Declaration of Independence on the second and third pages.  He was the only printer to deviate from the usual publication schedule by issuing a supplement or extraordinary to disseminate the founding document to readers.  The advertisement seeking “a likely, sprightly NEGRO BOY, about ten or twelve years old,” ran once again, this time immediately above the colophon on the fourth page.

July 19, 1776

Alexander Purdie’s Virginia Gazette, published in Williamsburg, printed the last three paragraphs of the Declaration of Independence as an “Abstract from the minutes of the General Congress” on the second page.  Purdie promised that the entire document “will be published at full length in next week’s Gazette.”  William Browne’s advertisement describing “a mulatto servant man, named John Newton,” and offering “TEN DOLLARS REWARD” appeared on the fourth page.  Among Newton’s skills, he “shaves and dresses well.”  The two-page supplement that accompanied that issue featured five more advertisements about enslaved people.  One offered “about forty NEGROES” for sale at the same time as a “VALUABLE tract of land” and the livestock and equipment on that plantation.  Two concerned enslaved men who liberated themselves by running away.  John Nicholas advertised three “Virginia born NEGRO men slaves,” named Harry, York, and Adam, while Mungo Harvey offered a reward for the capture and return of “two men slaves, both Virginia born,” named Billy and Kitt.  The other two advertisements concerned Black men who had been captured and committed to jail as suspected runaways.  According to James Bowdrie, Abraham was “TAKEN up at Layton’s warehouse, in Essex county.”  Abraham may have been “sent here in a ship with many others from Barbados … to fight for lord Dunmore,” the last royal governor of Virginia.  John Harwood, the jailer “of Charles City county,” advertised that he held Hampton and Robert.  He asked their enslavers “to fetch them away, and pay charges” for the expense of confining them.

July 20, 1776

The Declaration of Independence appeared as a broadside within a newspaper on the fourth page of the Freeman’s Journal, published in Portsmouth, New Hampshire.  The notice concerning the captured brigantine and the four enslaved people aboard the vessel that previously appeared in the Continental Journal ran on the third page, the reverse side of the page devoted to the Declaration of Independence.

John Dixon and William Hunter printed the Declaration of Independence on the second page of their Virginia Gazette, published in Williamsburg.  Printed on a smaller sheet than most other American newspapers, that issue consisted of six pages rather than the usual four.  On the fourth page, Nicholas Scouvemont inserted and advertisement that described Bagley, “a Negro man” who “has several Relations in Gloucester County, and … may have gone that way.”  Scouvemont offered “TEN SHILLINGS Reward” for the capture and return of Bagley.  Two more advertisements about enslaved people appeared on the sixth page.  William Brown described John Newton, “an Asiatic Indian by Birth” who had been “about twelve Months in Virginia.”  Brown reported that Newton was “a good Barber and Hairdresser,” so “it is probable he many endeavour to follow those Occupations as a free Man.”  John Nicholas published the advertisement about Harry, York, and Adam that previously appeared in Purdie’s Virginia Gazette, making a significant investment in recovering the Black men who had liberated themselves by running away.

July 22, 1776

The Boston-Gazette and Country Journal, published in Watertown, printed the Declaration of Independence on the first page.  An anonymous advertisements instructing interested parties to “Enquire of the printer” offered a “strong healthy negro man” for sale on the third page.  The notice concerning the captured brigantine and the four enslaved people aboard the vessel that previously appeared in the Continental Journal and the Freeman’s Journal ran on the fourth page.

July 26, 1776

As promised in the previous issue, Alexander Purdie printed the Declaration of Independence on the first and second pages of his Virginia Gazette.  Two new advertisements about enslaved men appeared on the third page.  Miles Selden described “a negro man named GEORGE” who took a horse with him when he liberated himself by running away from his enslaver.  Selden offered rewards for both George and the horse.  William Poynter gave descriptions of Ned and Jacob, two Black men in his custody in Charles City.  According to Poynter, “they both say they came from South Carolina.”  They tried to put as much distance as possible between themselves and their former enslavers.  A two-page supplement accompanied that issue of Purdie’s Virginia Gazette.  Each of them ran in the supplement the previous week: Thomas M. Randolph’s advertisement offering “about forty NEGROES” for sale, Bowdrie’s advertisement about Abraham, supposedly sent from Barbados to fight with Dunmore, and Nicholas’s advertisement about Harry, York, and Adam who liberated themselves from their enslavers together.

Overall, advertisements about enslaved people appeared in two-thirds of the issues of American newspapers that printed the Declaration of Independence.  As newspapers reported on the dissemination and reception of the Declaration of Independence, especially public readings held in cities throughout the new nation, they continued to publish advertisements about enslaved people side by side the proclamations of liberty.  Early American newspapers simultaneously promoted freedom (for some people) while helping to perpetuate slavery (for other people).

Slavery Advertisements Published July 26, 1776

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in revolutionary American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Connecticut Gazette (July 26, 1776).

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Connecticut Gazette (July 26, 1776).

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Connecticut Gazette (July 26, 1776).

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Connecticut Gazette (July 26, 1776).

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Essex Journal (July 26, 1776).

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Virginia Gazette [Purdie] (July 26, 1776).

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Virginia Gazette [Purdie] (July 26, 1776).

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Supplement to the Virginia Gazette [Purdie] (July 26, 1776).

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Supplement to the Virginia Gazette [Purdie] (July 26, 1776).

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Supplement to the Virginia Gazette [Purdie] (July 26, 1776).

July 25

What was advertised in a revolutionary American newspaper 250 years ago today?

New-England Chronicle (July 25, 1776).

“A Variety of Blanks for the Use of Justices … never before published.”

Joseph Greenleaf, a printer and bookseller, placed an advertisement in the July 25, 1776, edition of the New-England Chronicle to advise prospective customers that he had for sale a “few Volums of the Abridgment of Burn’s Justices of the Peace and the Parish Officer” at his shoo “near the Conduit,” a water reservoir in Boston.  He also stocked a “Variety of Blanks” (or forms) “for the Use of Justices, in almost every part of their Office, never before published.”  Greenleaf did not explain what he meant by blanks “never before published.”  Officials, attorneys, and merchants regularly purchased blanks for all sorts of legal, financial, and commercial transactions because they featured standardized language and thus saved the time and expense of writing everything out by hand.  Instead, the interested parties filled in the blank spaces with the relevant information.  Perhaps Greenleaf devised new blanks based on templates or instructions that appeared in the abridgement of Richard Burn’s manual for justices of the peace.  Given the news that recently arrived from Philadelphia, he may have also included references to the state of Massachusetts in the wake of the Continental Congress declaring independence from Great Britain.

The printer and bookseller added a request at the end of his advertisement: “Said Greenleaf would esteem it as a Favour if the Subscribers for the American Magazine would discharge their several arearages.”  Greenleaf acquired the Royal American Magazine from Isaiah Thomas in the summer of 1774.  Thomas fell behind on publishing and distributing new issues as the imperial crisis intensified, especially after the Boston Port Act closed the harbor on June 1 of that year.  Greenleaf worked diligently to serve subscribers, eventually catching up on the overdue issues, but then the outbreak of the war with the skirmishes as Lexington and Concord made it impossible for him to continue the magazine.  Greenleaf fled from the city and made his way to Watertown as the siege of Boston began, advertising in the Essex Journal in June 1775 that he had been “driven from his house and business by the perfidious [General Thomas] Gage.”  In that same notice, he asked for subscribers in “Newbury, Newbury-Port, and the vicinity” to pay what they owed for the magazines they received.  A few months later, his son, Thomas, made a similar request to subscribers in “this and the neighbouring towns” in the Providence Gazette.  Greenleaf tried once again in July 1776, his pleas echoing those of newspaper printers who so often called on subscribers who had not made payments in years.

Slavery Advertisements Published July 25, 1776

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in revolutionary American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Continental Journal (July 25, 1776).

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Maryland Gazette (July 25, 1776).

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Maryland Gazette (July 25, 1776).

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Maryland Gazette (July 25, 1776).

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New-England Chronicle (July 25, 1776).

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New-York Journal (July 25, 1776).

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New-York Journal (July 25, 1776).

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New-York Journal (July 25, 1776).

July 24

What was advertised in a revolutionary American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Massachusetts Spy (July 24, 1776).

“Transmit … the Names of such Persons … notoriously inimical to the rights of America.”

It was another instance of an advertisement delivering news to newspaper readers.  In this instance, Joseph Henshaw placed an advertisement in the Massachusetts Spy with instructions for the “Committees of Safety … for the several Towns in the county of Worcester” in central Massachusetts.  Those committees “are hereby requested to transmit forthwith to the standing Committee the Names of such Persons in their respective Towns, who are esteemed to be notoriously inimical to the rights of America.”  Henshaw and his committee decided to make the request on July 14, 1776, the same day that residents of Worcester may have participated in the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence in Massachusetts.

The notice (and the Declaration of Independence) appeared in the July 17, 1776, edition of the Massachusetts Spy, the next one that came off the press in the only printing office in Worcester.  It ran at the bottom of the final column on the second page, immediately below news from Boston, dated July 11, and could have been mistaken for another news item selected by William Stearns and Daniel Bigelow except for the thick lines that traditionally separated news from paid notices.  Even if the compositor inserted those lines in error, the notice would have run just once if Stearns and Bigelow considered it a news item.  Instead, it ran again on July 24, this time at the bottom of the first column on the first page.  It followed two other advertisements.  The news for that issue began at the top of the next column.  This suggests that Stearns and Bigelow treated the call to submit the names of people “esteemed to be notoriously inimical to the rights of America” as a paid notice, an advertisement that generated revenue, rather than as a news items published as a public service.  In so doing, they took the same approach as the printers of Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette and the Maryland Journal who simultaneously published an advertisement with instructions for voting for delegates from Baltimore to attend a convention “for the express purpose of forming a New Government” for the state of Maryland.

Slavery Advertisements Published July 24, 1776

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in revolutionary American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Pennsylvania Gazette (July 24, 1776).

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Pennsylvania Gazette (July 24, 1776).

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Pennsylvania Gazette (July 24, 1776).

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Pennsylvania Journal (July 24, 1776).

July 23

What was advertised in a revolutionary American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette (July 23, 1776).

“All residents in said Town … are requested to attend and give in their votes.”

Newspaper advertisements sometimes made important announcements during the era of the American Revolution.  An advertisement in the July 23, 1776, edition of Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette, for instance, informed readers that the most recent provincial convention “resolved, that Baltimore Town shall have two Representatives in a Convention to be held in August next, for the express purpose of forming a New Government,” a government established “by the authority of the people only” in the wake of the Continental Congress declaring independence from Great Britain.  “Notice is hereby given,” the advertisement continued, “that an election will be held by open poll, on Monday the 5th day of August next, at the Court-House, to choose the two members aforesaid.”  Furthermore, “all residents in said Town, who by law were intitled to vote for Delegates in Assembly, (except such as have been published as enemies to this country) are requested to attend and give in their votes.”

That notice appeared among the other advertisements in Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette, alongside employment notices, descriptions of indentured servants who ran away, and an advertisement for “KEYSER’s FAMOUS PILLS” and other patent medicines.  The men who signed the notice – James Calhoun, John Merryman, Jr., and William Aisquith – apparently paid to insert it in Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette and in the Maryland Journal as well.  The printers of those newspapers could have included such important information with the news that they selected to disseminate to readers. They could have even given the notice a prominent place on the front page, publishing it as a public service as the state created its “New Government, by the authority of the people.”  Instead, they treated the notice as an advertisement rather than news, presumably generating revenue each time it appeared in their newspapers.  Readers knew that news of various sorts, including legal notices, often ran as advertisements.  They realized that the news in any issue of an early American newspaper did not necessarily end when the advertisements began.

Slavery Advertisements Published July 23, 1776

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in revolutionary American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Dunlap’s Maryland Gazette (July 23, 1776).

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Pennsylvania Evening Post (July 23, 1776).

July 22

What was advertised in a revolutionary American newspaper 250 years ago today?

Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet (July 22, 1776).

EXTRACT from the WORK.”

John Dunlap devoted nearly half the space on the first page of the July 22, 1776, edition of Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet to an advertisement for his Philadelphia edition of Richard Price’s Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of the War with America.  A month earlier, Thomas Fleet and John Fleet ran an advertisement for their Boston edition of the popular pamphlet.  Rather than merely use the table of contents as the copy for their advertisement (as printers and booksellers often did), they added their own note that this “judicious and exceeding well wrote Pamphlet was published in London in March last and had had a very rapid Sale there.”  Friends of the American cause “thought [the pamphlet] would tend much to open the Eyes of the Nation.”  Accordingly, the Fleets considered the pamphlet “well worthy the Perusal of every lover of Civil Liberty and good Government in America; for which Reason the Printers propose to sell them at the moderate price of one shilling and six Pence each” compared to two shillings charged in London.

Dunlap inserted different commentary to demonstrate the reception and influence the pamphlet received and, in turn, attempt to incite demand among readers.  “This learned, judicious and liberal author,” the advertisement declared, “had the thanks of the Common Council, and the Freedom of the City of London presented to him in a gold box, for this his much admired most excellent pamphlet on Civil Liberty.”  In addition to that honor, “he also deserves the united thanks of America.”  Yet Dunlap did even more to promote his Philadelphia edition of the pamphlet.  He inserted an “EXTRACT from the WORK” that extended more than a column, giving readers a preview and enticing them to read more.  In so doing, Dunlap reduced the amount of space for news items and paid notices in that issue of the newspaper, apparently considering the length of the advertisement, especially the “EXTRACT,” worth the investment.  He may have also intended that the “EXTRACT” double as a letter to the editor in making the case in support of the American cause.

Dunlap and the Fleets were not alone in publishing local editions of Price’s pamphlet in America.  David Bruce published the pamphlet in Charleston and Samuel Loudon published it in New York.  Printers in the four largest urban ports made local editions of the pamphlet available to readers in their cities.

Slavery Advertisements Published July 22, 1776

The Slavery Adverts 250 Project chronicles the role of newspaper advertising in perpetuating slavery in the era of the American Revolution. The project seeks to reveal the ubiquity of slavery in eighteenth-century life from New England to Georgia by republishing advertisements about enslaved people – for sale as individuals or in groups, wanted to purchase or for hire for short periods, runaways who liberated themselves, and those who were subsequently captured and confined in jails and workhouses – in daily digests on this site as well as in real time via the @SlaveAdverts250 Twitter feed, utilizing twenty-first-century media to stand in for the print media of the eighteenth century.

The project aims to provide modern audiences with a sense of just how often colonizers encountered these advertisements in their daily lives. Enslaved men, women, and children appeared in print somewhere in the colonies almost every single day. Those advertisements served as a constant backdrop for social, cultural, economic, and political life in colonial and revolutionary America. Colonizers who did not purport to own enslaved people were still confronted with slavery as well as invited to maintain the system by purchasing enslaved men, women, and children or assisting in the capture of so-called “runaways” who sought to free themselves from bondage. The frequency of these newspaper advertisements suggests just how embedded slavery was in colonial and revolutionary American culture in everyday interactions beyond the printed page.

These advertisements also testify to the experiences of enslaved men, women, and children, though readers must consider that those experiences have been remediated through descriptions offered by enslavers rather than enslaved people themselves. Often unnamed in the advertisements, enslaved men, women, and children were not invisible or unimportant in early America.

These advertisements appeared in revolutionary American newspapers 250 years ago today.

Boston-Gazette (July 22, 1776).

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Boston-Gazette (July 22, 1776).

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Connecticut Courant (July 22, 1776).

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Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet (July 22, 1776).

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New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury (July 22, 1776).

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New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury (July 22, 1776).

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New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury (July 22, 1776).

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New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury (July 22, 1776).

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Norwich Packet (July 22, 1776).